Mortgage Crisis

Treasury Unveils Toxic-Asset Plan, Citing ‘Acute Pressure’ on Banks – WSJ.com

Treasury Unveils Toxic-Asset Plan, Citing ‘Acute Pressure’ on Banks – WSJ.com.

Private everything was the solution from the beginning, but Democrats who envision the country sucking from the government breast can’t wrap their head around capitalism and free market economics. Marx didn’t preach about those.

You gotta laugh at Obama and Geithner…

Tickler (laughing): “I’m reading this article where Obama compared Geithner to Alexander Hamilton.”

Tickler’s Wife: “What do you expect from a guy who compares himself to Lincoln.”

Obama’s making this easy. He’s completely incompetent and is literally destroying our economy, but he’s not even clever and clandestine enough to hide it. So we find but small solace in the obviousness of his idiocy.

Breitbart: Timothy Geithner, alone and working night and day

Obama, now being annoyed by having to find credible people, finds his Treasurer working alone. Pathetic.

US Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner is practically alone on the job, working night and day to cope with the worst economic downturn in decades.Of the 15 key Treasury Department positions that require Senate confirmation, only one has been filled. Stuart Levey, a leftover from the previous administration, who as under secretary of the treasury for terrorism and financial intelligence, is not central to the crisis management however.

Unemployment figures which revealed Friday that 651,000 jobs were lost in February, showed the recession is running ever deeper, but Geithner, who started work in late January, has no deputy secretary, no under secretaries for international affairs and no deputy under secretaries.

Annette Nazareth, who had been expected to be chosen as deputy secretary — Geithner’s top aide — has withdrawn her name, the Wall Street Journal reported in its online edition, citing people familiar with the matter.

The former Security Exchange Commission head “withdrew in large part because of the long vetting process” President Barack Obama has put in place to choose members of his government, the daily said.

Geithner’s choice for undersecretary for international affairs, Caroline Atkinson, also took her name out of the running, only weeks ahead of the April 2, Group of 20 developed and developing nations summit in London.

Read the full article here

CNBC: Obama Declares War on Investors, Entrepreneurs, Businesses, And More

Must read on CNBC (I’m surprised too, though to be fair Larry Kudlow often has intelligent things to say)…

Let me be very clear on the economics of President Obama’s State of the Union speech and his budget.

He is declaring war on investors, entrepreneurs, small businesses, large corporations, and private-equity and venture-capital funds.

That is the meaning of his anti-growth tax-hike proposals, which make absolutely no sense at all — either for this recession or from the standpoint of expanding our economy’s long-run potential to grow.

Raising the marginal tax rate on successful earners, capital, dividends, and all the private funds is a function of Obama’s left-wing social vision, and a repudiation of his economic-recovery statements. Ditto for his sweeping government-planning-and-spending program, which will wind up raising federal outlays as a share of GDP to at least 30 percent, if not more, over the next 10 years.

Study after study over the past several decades has shown how countries that spend more produce less, while nations that tax less produce more. Obama is doing it wrong on both counts.

And as far as middle-class tax cuts are concerned, Obama’s cap-and-trade program will be a huge across-the-board tax increase on blue-collar workers, including unionized workers. Industrial production is plunging, but new carbon taxes will prevent production from ever recovering. While the country wants more fuel and power, cap-and-trade will deliver less.

Read the rest here. The closing is worth posting here though…

There is a growing sense of buyer’s remorse. Well then, do conservatives dare say: We told you so?

Fact Checking the President: Take A Wild Guess

The Associated-Press-as-cheerleader act is finally waning as they realize that election night euphoria is turning to a scorching case of buyers remorse, and they actually have a job to do.

WASHINGTON — President Barack Obama knows Americans are unhappy that the government could rescue people who bought mansions beyond their means.

But his assurance Tuesday night that only the deserving will get help rang hollow.

Even officials in his administration, many supporters of the plan in Congress and the Federal Reserve chairman expect some of that money will go to people who used lousy judgment.

The president skipped over several complex economic circumstances in his speech to Congress — and may have started an international debate among trivia lovers and auto buffs over what country invented the car.

A look at some of his assertions:

OBAMA: “We have launched a housing plan that will help responsible families facing the threat of foreclosure lower their monthly payments and refinance their mortgages. It’s a plan that won’t help speculators or that neighbor down the street who bought a house he could never hope to afford, but it will help millions of Americans who are struggling with declining home values.”

THE FACTS: If the administration has come up with a way to ensure money only goes to those who got in honest trouble, it hasn’t said so.

Defending the program Tuesday at a Senate hearing, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke said it’s important to save those who made bad calls, for the greater good. He likened it to calling the fire department to put out a blaze caused by someone smoking in bed.

“I think the smart way to deal with a situation like that is to put out the fire, save him from his own consequences of his own action but then, going forward, enact penalties and set tougher rules about smoking in bed.”

Brilliant Benji. I’d have to say in this context we need to let him burn to get the stupidity out of the gene pool.

Similarly, the head of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. suggested this month it’s not likely aid will be denied to all homeowners who overstated their income or assets to get a mortgage they couldn’t afford.

“I think it’s just simply impractical to try to do a forensic analysis of each and every one of these delinquent loans,” Sheila Bair told National Public Radio.

Or… “we’re too lazy (and it’s frankly not in our interest) to do any analysis whatsoever, except when it comes to which incomes can be fleeced with higher taxes, then we’ll analyze ’til the donkeys (jackasses) come home.”

——

OBAMA: “And I believe the nation that invented the automobile cannot walk away from it.”

THE FACTS: Depends what your definition of automobiles, is. According to the Library of Congress, the inventor of the first true automobile was probably Germany’s Karl Benz, who created the first auto powered by an internal combustion gasoline engine, in 1885 or 1886. In the U.S., Charles Duryea tested what library researchers called the first successful gas-powered car in 1893. Nobody disputes that Henry Ford created the first assembly line that made cars affordable.

——

OBAMA: “We have known for decades that our survival depends on finding new sources of energy. Yet we import more oil today than ever before.”

THE FACTS: Oil imports peaked in 2005 at just over 5 billion barrels, and have been declining slightly since. The figure in 2007 was 4.9 billion barrels, or about 58 percent of total consumption. The nation is on pace this year to import 4.7 billion barrels, and government projections are for imports to hold steady or decrease a bit over the next two decades.

——

OBAMA: “We have already identified $2 trillion in savings over the next decade.”

THE FACTS: Although 10-year projections are common in government, they don’t mean much. And at times, they are a way for a president to pass on the most painful steps to his successor, by putting off big tax increases or spending cuts until someone else is in the White House.

Obama only has a real say on spending during the four years of his term. He may not be president after that and he certainly won’t be 10 years from now.

——

OBAMA: “Regulations were gutted for the sake of a quick profit at the expense of a healthy market. People bought homes they knew they couldn’t afford from banks and lenders who pushed those bad loans anyway. And all the while, critical debates and difficult decisions were put off for some other time on some other day.”

THE FACTS: This may be so, but it isn’t only Republicans who pushed for deregulation of the financial industries. The Clinton administration championed an easing of banking regulations, including legislation that ended the barrier between regular banks and Wall Street banks. That led to a deregulation that kept regular banks under tight federal regulation but extended lax regulation of Wall Street banks. Clinton Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, later an economic adviser to candidate Obama, was in the forefront in pushing for this deregulation.

——

OBAMA: “In this budget, we will end education programs that don’t work and end direct payments to large agribusinesses that don’t need them. We’ll eliminate the no-bid contracts that have wasted billions in Iraq, and reform our defense budget so that we’re not paying for Cold War-era weapons systems we don’t use. We will root out the waste, fraud and abuse in our Medicare program that doesn’t make our seniors any healthier, and we will restore a sense of fairness and balance to our tax code by finally ending the tax breaks for corporations that ship our jobs overseas.”

THE FACTS: First, his budget does not accomplish any of that. It only proposes those steps. That’s all a president can do, because control over spending rests with Congress. Obama’s proposals here are a wish list and some items, including corporate tax increases and cuts in agricultural aid, will be a tough sale in Congress.

Second, waste, fraud and abuse are routinely targeted by presidents who later find that the savings realized seldom amount to significant sums. Programs that a president might consider wasteful have staunch defenders in Congress who have fought off similar efforts in the past.

——

OBAMA: “Thanks to our recovery plan, we will double this nation’s supply of renewable energy in the next three years.”

THE FACTS: While the president’s stimulus package includes billions in aid for renewable energy and conservation, his goal is unlikely to be achieved through the recovery plan alone.

In 2007, the U.S. produced 8.4 percent of its electricity from renewable sources, including hydroelectric dams, solar panels and windmills. Under the status quo, the Energy Department says, it will take more than two decades to boost that figure to 12.5 percent.

If Obama is to achieve his much more ambitious goal, Congress would need to mandate it. That is the thrust of an energy bill that is expected to be introduced in coming weeks.

——

OBAMA: “Over the next two years, this plan will save or create 3.5 million jobs.”

THE FACTS: This is a recurrent Obama formulation. But job creation projections are uncertain even in stable times, and some of the economists relied on by Obama in making his forecast acknowledge a great deal of uncertainty in their numbers.

The president’s own economists, in a report prepared last month, stated, “It should be understood that all of the estimates presented in this memo are subject to significant margins of error.”

Beyond that, it’s unlikely the nation will ever know how many jobs are saved as a result of the stimulus. While it’s clear when jobs are abolished, there’s no economic gauge that tracks job preservation. The estimates are based on economic assumptions of how many jobs would be lost without the stimulus.

All I can say is wow. Read the full article here.

Hundreds of Economists Say Obama/Democrats Wrong

In an ad taken out in major newspapers across the country by the CATO Institute, a conservative think tank and voice of reason in this time of amateur presidency, hundreds of economists, including Nobel laureates and other prominent scholars, are trying to fight against Obama’s death march to financial irresponsibility. Trouble is, because he got this job through record spending, he thinks that’s the solution to everything. The rest of us have the ability to conjure logic and use it to our advantage.

“There is no disagreement that we need action by our government, a recovery plan that will help to jumpstart the economy.”

— PRESIDENT-ELECT BARACK OBAMA, JANUARY 9 , 2009

With all due respect Mr. President, that is not true.

Notwithstanding reports that all economists are now Keynesians and that we all support a big increase in the burden of government, we do not believe that more government spending is a way to improve economic performance. More government spending by Hoover and Roosevelt did not pull the United States economy out of the Great Depression in the 1930s. More government spending did not solve Japan’s “lost decade” in the 1990s. As such, it is a triumph of hope over experience to believe that more government spending will help the U.S. today. To improve the economy, policy makers should focus on reforms that remove impediments to work, saving, investment and production. Lower tax rates and a reduction in the burden of government are the best ways of using fiscal policy to boost growth.

  • Burton Abrams, Univ. of Delaware
  • Douglas Adie, Ohio University
  • Ryan Amacher, Univ. of Texas at Arlington
  • J.J. Arias, Georgia College & State University
  • Howard Baetjer, Jr., Towson University
  • Stacie Beck, Univ. of Delaware
  • Don Bellante, Univ. of South Florida
  • James Bennett, George Mason University
  • Bruce Benson, Florida State University
  • Sanjai Bhagat, Univ. of Colorado at Boulder
  • Mark Bils, Univ. of Rochester
  • Alberto Bisin, New York University
  • Walter Block, Loyola University New Orleans
  • Cecil Bohanon, Ball State University
  • Michele Boldrin, Washington University in St. Louis
  • Donald Booth, Chapman University
  • Michael Bordo, Rutgers University
  • Samuel Bostaph, Univ. of Dallas
  • Scott Bradford, Brigham Young University
  • Genevieve Briand, Eastern Washington University
  • George Brower, Moravian College
  • James Buchanan, Nobel laureate
  • Richard Burdekin, Claremont McKenna College
  • Henry Butler, Northwestern University
  • William Butos, Trinity College
  • Peter Calcagno, College of Charleston
  • Bryan Caplan, George Mason University
  • Art Carden, Rhodes College
  • James Cardon, Brigham Young University
  • Dustin Chambers, Salisbury University
  • Emily Chamlee-Wright, Beloit College
  • V.V. Chari, Univ. of Minnesota
  • Barry Chiswick, Univ. of Illinois at Chicago
  • Lawrence Cima, John Carroll University
  • J.R. Clark, Univ. of Tennessee at Chattanooga
  • Gian Luca Clementi, New York University
  • R. Morris Coats, Nicholls State University
  • John Cochran, Metropolitan State College
  • John Cochrane, Univ. of Chicago
  • John Cogan, Hoover Institution, Stanford University
  • John Coleman, Duke University
  • Boyd Collier, Tarleton State University
  • Robert Collinge, Univ. of Texas at San Antonio
  • Lee Coppock, Univ. of Virginia
  • Mario Crucini, Vanderbilt University
  • Christopher Culp, Univ. of Chicago
  • Kirby Cundiff, Northeastern State University
  • Antony Davies, Duquesne University
  • John Dawson, Appalachian State University
  • Clarence Deitsch, Ball State University
  • Arthur Diamond, Jr., Univ. of Nebraska at Omaha
  • John Dobra, Univ. of Nevada, Reno
  • James Dorn, Towson University
  • Christopher Douglas, Univ. of Michigan, Flint
  • Floyd Duncan, Virginia Military Institute
  • Francis Egan, Trinity College
  • John Egger, Towson University
  • Kenneth Elzinga, Univ. of Virginia
  • Paul Evans, Ohio State University
  • Eugene Fama, Univ. of Chicago
  • W. Ken Farr, Georgia College & State University
  • Hartmut Fischer, Univ. of San Francisco
  • Fred Foldvary, Santa Clara University
  • Murray Frank, Univ. of Minnesota
  • Peter Frank, Wingate University
  • Timothy Fuerst, Bowling Green State University
  • B. Delworth Gardner, Brigham Young University
  • John Garen, Univ. of Kentucky
  • Rick Geddes, Cornell University
  • Aaron Gellman, Northwestern University
  • William Gerdes, Clarke College
  • Michael Gibbs, Univ. of Chicago
  • Stephan Gohmann, Univ. of Louisville
  • Rodolfo Gonzalez, San Jose State University
  • Richard Gordon, Penn State University
  • Peter Gordon, Univ. of Southern California
  • Ernie Goss, Creighton University
  • Paul Gregory, Univ. of Houston
  • Earl Grinols, Baylor University
  • Daniel Gropper, Auburn University
  • R.W. Hafer, Southern Illinois
  • University, Edwardsville
  • Arthur Hall, Univ. of Kansas
  • Steve Hanke, Johns Hopkins
  • Stephen Happel, Arizona State University
  • Frank Hefner, College of Charleston
  • Ronald Heiner, George Mason University
  • David Henderson, Hoover Institution, Stanford University
  • Robert Herren, North Dakota State University
  • Gailen Hite, Columbia University
  • Steven Horwitz, St. Lawrence University
  • John Howe, Univ. of Missouri, Columbia
  • Jeffrey Hummel, San Jose State University
  • Bruce Hutchinson, Univ. of Tennessee at Chattanooga
  • Brian Jacobsen, Wisconsin Lutheran College
  • Jason Johnston, Univ. of Pennsylvania
  • Boyan Jovanovic, New York University
  • Jonathan Karpoff, Univ. of Washington
  • Barry Keating, Univ. of Notre Dame
  • Naveen Khanna, Michigan State University
  • Nicholas Kiefer, Cornell University
  • Daniel Klein, George Mason University
  • Paul Koch, Univ. of Kansas
  • Narayana Kocherlakota, Univ. of Minnesota
  • Marek Kolar, Delta College
  • Roger Koppl, Fairleigh Dickinson University
  • Kishore Kulkarni, Metropolitan State College of Denver
  • Deepak Lal, UCLA
  • George Langelett, South Dakota State University
  • James Larriviere, Spring Hill College
  • Robert Lawson, Auburn University
  • John Levendis, Loyola University New Orleans
  • David Levine, Washington University in St. Louis
  • Peter Lewin, Univ. of Texas at Dallas
  • Dean Lillard, Cornell University
  • Zheng Liu, Emory University
  • Alan Lockard, Binghampton University
  • Edward Lopez, San Jose State University
  • John Lunn, Hope College
  • Glenn MacDonald, Washington
  • University in St. Louis
  • Michael Marlow, California
  • Polytechnic State University
  • Deryl Martin, Tennessee Tech University
  • Dale Matcheck, Northwood University
  • Deirdre McCloskey, Univ. of Illinois, Chicago
  • John McDermott, Univ. of South Carolina
  • Joseph McGarrity, Univ. of Central Arkansas
  • Roger Meiners, Univ. of Texas at Arlington
  • Allan Meltzer, Carnegie Mellon University
  • John Merrifield, Univ. of Texas at San Antonio
  • James Miller III, George Mason University
  • Jeffrey Miron, Harvard University
  • Thomas Moeller, Texas Christian University
  • John Moorhouse, Wake Forest University
  • Andrea Moro, Vanderbilt University
  • Andrew Morriss, Univ. of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  • Michael Munger, Duke University
  • Kevin Murphy, Univ. of Southern California
  • Richard Muth, Emory University
  • Charles Nelson, Univ. of Washington
  • Seth Norton, Wheaton College
  • Lee Ohanian, Univ. of California, Los Angeles
  • Lydia Ortega, San Jose State University
  • Evan Osborne, Wright State University
  • Randall Parker, East Carolina University
  • Donald Parsons, George Washington University
  • Sam Peltzman, Univ. of Chicago
  • Mark Perry, Univ. of Michigan, Flint
  • Christopher Phelan, Univ. of Minnesota
  • Gordon Phillips, Univ. of Maryland
  • Michael Pippenger, Univ. of Alaska, Fairbanks
  • Tomasz Piskorski, Columbia University
  • Brennan Platt, Brigham Young University
  • Joseph Pomykala, Towson University
  • William Poole, Univ. of Delaware
  • Barry Poulson, Univ. of Colorado at Boulder
  • Benjamin Powell, Suffolk University
  • Edward Prescott, Nobel laureate
  • Gary Quinlivan, Saint Vincent College
  • Reza Ramazani, Saint Michael’s College
  • Adriano Rampini, Duke University
  • Eric Rasmusen, Indiana University
  • Mario Rizzo, New York University
  • Richard Roll, Univ. of California, Los Angeles
  • Robert Rossana, Wayne State University
  • James Roumasset, Univ. of Hawaii at Manoa
  • John Rowe, Univ. of South Florida
  • Charles Rowley, George Mason University
  • Juan Rubio-Ramirez, Duke University
  • Roy Ruffin, Univ. of Houston
  • Kevin Salyer, Univ. of California, Davis
  • Pavel Savor, Univ. of Pennsylvania
  • Ronald Schmidt, Univ. of Rochester
  • Carlos Seiglie, Rutgers University
  • William Shughart II, Univ. of Mississippi
  • Charles Skipton, Univ. of Tampa
  • James Smith, Western Carolina University
  • Vernon Smith, Nobel laureate
  • Lawrence Southwick, Jr., Univ. at Buffalo
  • Dean Stansel, Florida Gulf Coast University
  • Houston Stokes, Univ. of Illinois at Chicago
  • Brian Strow, Western Kentucky University
  • Shirley Svorny, California State
  • University, Northridge
  • John Tatom, Indiana State University
  • Wade Thomas, State University of New York at Oneonta
  • Henry Thompson, Auburn University
  • Alex Tokarev, The King’s College
  • Edward Tower, Duke University
  • Leo Troy, Rutgers University
  • David Tuerck, Suffolk University
  • Charlotte Twight, Boise State University
  • Kamal Upadhyaya, Univ. of New Haven
  • Charles Upton, Kent State University
  • T. Norman Van Cott, Ball State University
  • Richard Vedder, Ohio University
  • Richard Wagner, George Mason University
  • Douglas M. Walker, College of Charleston
  • Douglas O. Walker, Regent University
  • Christopher Westley, Jacksonville State University
  • Lawrence White, Univ. of Missouri at St. Louis
  • Walter Williams, George Mason University
  • Doug Wills, Univ. of Washington Tacoma
  • Dennis Wilson, Western Kentucky University
  • Gary Wolfram, Hillsdale College
  • Huizhong Zhou, Western Michigan University

Additional economists who have signed the statement

  • Lee Adkins, Oklahoma State University
  • William Albrecht, Univ. of Iowa
  • Donald Alexander, Western Michigan University
  • Geoffrey Andron, Austin Community College
  • Nathan Ashby, Univ. of Texas at El Paso
  • George Averitt, Purdue North Central University
  • Charles Baird, California State University, East Bay
  • Timothy Bastian, Creighton University
  • Joe Bell, Missouri State University, Springfield
  • John Bethune, Barton College
  • Robert Bise, Orange Coast College
  • Karl Borden, University of Nebraska
  • Donald Boudreaux, George Mason University
  • Ivan Brick, Rutgers University
  • Phil Bryson, Brigham Young University
  • Richard Burkhauser, Cornell University
  • Edwin Burton, Univ. of Virginia
  • Jim Butkiewicz, Univ. of Delaware
  • Richard Cebula, Armstrong Atlantic State University
  • Don Chance, Louisiana State University
  • Robert Chatfield, Univ. of Nevada, Las Vegas
  • Lloyd Cohen, George Mason University
  • Peter Colwell, Univ. of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
  • Michael Connolly, Univ. of Miami
  • Jim Couch, Univ. of North Alabama
  • Eleanor Craig, Univ. of Delaware
  • Michael Daniels, Columbus State University
  • A. Edward Day, Univ. of Texas at Dallas
  • Stephen Dempsey, Univ. of Vermont
  • Allan DeSerpa, Arizona State University
  • William Dewald, Ohio State University
  • Jeff Dorfman, Univ. of Georgia
  • Lanny Ebenstein, Univ. of California, Santa Barbara
  • Michael Erickson, The College of Idaho
  • Jack Estill, San Jose State University
  • Dorla Evans, Univ. of Alabama in Huntsville
  • Frank Falero, California State University, Bakersfield
  • Daniel Feenberg, National Bureau of Economic Research
  • Eric Fisher, California Polytechnic State University
  • Arthur Fleisher, Metropolitan State College of Denver
  • William Ford, Middle Tennessee State University
  • Ralph Frasca, Univ. of Dayton
  • Joseph Giacalone, St. John’s University
  • Adam Gifford, California State Unviersity, Northridge
  • Otis Gilley, Louisiana Tech University
  • J. Edward Graham, University of North Carolina at Wilmington
  • Richard Grant, Lipscomb University
  • Gauri-Shankar Guha, Arkansas State University
  • Darren Gulla, Univ. of Kentucky
  • Dennis Halcoussis, California State University, Northridge
  • Richard Hart, Miami University
  • James Hartley, Mount Holyoke College
  • Thomas Hazlett, George Mason University
  • Scott Hein, Texas Tech University
  • Bradley Hobbs, Florida Gulf Coast University
  • John Hoehn, Michigan State University
  • Daniel Houser, George Mason University
  • Thomas Howard, University of Denver
  • Chris Hughen, Univ. of Denver
  • Marcus Ingram, Univ. of Tampa
  • Joseph Jadlow, Oklahoma State University
  • Sherry Jarrell, Wake Forest University
  • Scott Kelly, Albany State University
  • Carrie Kerekes, Florida Gulf Coast University
  • Robert Krol, California State University, Northridge
  • James Kurre, Penn State Erie
  • Tom Lehman, Indiana Wesleyan University
  • W. Cris Lewis, Utah State University
  • Stan Liebowitz, Univ. of Texas at Dallas
  • Anthony Losasso, Univ. of Illinois at Chicago
  • John Lott, Jr., Univ. of Maryland
  • Keith Malone, Univ. of North Alabama
  • Henry Manne, George Mason University
  • Richard Marcus, Univ. of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
  • Timothy Mathews, Kennesaw State University
  • John Matsusaka, Univ. of Southern California
  • Thomas Mayor, Univ. of Houston
  • John McConnell, Purdue University
  • W. Douglas McMillin, Louisiana State University
  • Mario Miranda, The Ohio State University
  • Ed Miseta, Penn State Erie
  • James Moncur, Univ. of Hawaii at Manoa
  • Charles Moss, Univ. of Florida
  • Tim Muris, George Mason University
  • John Murray, Univ. of Toledo
  • David Mustard, Univ. of Georgia
  • Steven Myers, Univ. of Akron
  • Dhananjay Nanda, University of Miami
  • Stephen Parente, Univ. of Minnesota
  • Allen Parkman, Univ. of New Mexico
  • Douglas Patterson, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and University
  • Timothy Perri, Appalachian State University
  • Mark Pingle, Univ. of Nevada, Reno
  • Ivan Pongracic, Hillsdale College
  • Robert Prati, East Carolina University
  • Richard Rawlins, Missouri Southern State University
  • Thomas Rhee, California State University, Long Beach
  • Christine Ries, Georgia Institute of Technology
  • Nancy Roberts, Arizona State University
  • Larry Ross, Univ. of Alaska Anchorage
  • Timothy Roth, Univ. of Texas at El Paso
  • Atulya Sarin, Santa Clara University
  • Thomas Saving, Texas A&M University
  • Eric Schansberg, Indiana University Southeast
  • John Seater, North Carolina University
  • Alan Shapiro, Univ. of Southern California
  • Thomas Simmons, Greenfield Community College
  • Frank Spreng, McKendree University
  • Judith Staley Brenneke, John Carroll University
  • John E. Stapleford, Eastern University
  • Courtenay Stone, Ball State University
  • Avanidhar Subrahmanyam, UCLA
  • Scott Sumner, Bentley University
  • Clifford Thies, Shenandoah University
  • William Trumbull, West Virginia University
  • A. Sinan Unur, Cornell University
  • Randall Valentine, Georgia Southwestern State University
  • Gustavo Ventura, Univ. of Iowa
  • Marc Weidenmier, Claremont McKenna College
  • Robert Whaples, Wake Forest University
  • Gene Wunder, Washburn University
  • John Zdanowicz, Florida International University
  • Jerry Zimmerman, Univ. of Rochester
  • Joseph Zoric, Franciscan University of Steubenville

Economist: Obama Lost At Sea

The Economist, which has been a respected newspaper by Tickler in the past, but lost much of it when they endorsed the Obamination, if beginning to come its senses. Read the full article here, excerpts follow…

The Obama rescue

Feb 12th 2009
From The Economist print edition


This week marked a huge wasted opportunity in the economic crisis

Illustration by KAL
Illustration by KAL

THERE was a chance that this week would mark a turning-point in an ever-deepening global slump, as Barack Obama produced the two main parts of his rescue plan. The first, and most argued-over, was a big fiscal boost. After a lot of bickering in Congress a final compromise stimulus bill, worth $789 billion, seemed to have been agreed on February 11th; it should be only days away from becoming law. The second, and more important, part of the rescue was team Obama’s scheme for fixing the financial mess, laid out in a speech on February 10th by Tim Geithner, the treasury secretary.

America cannot rescue the world economy alone. But this double offensive by its biggest economy could potentially have broken the spiral of uncertainty and gloom that is gripping investors, producers and consumers across the globe.

Alas, that opportunity was squandered. Mr Obama ceded control of the stimulus to the fractious congressional Democrats, allowing a plan that should have had broad support from both parties to become a divisive partisan battle. More serious still was Mr Geithner’s financial-rescue blueprint which, though touted as a bold departure from the incrementalism and uncertainty that had plagued the Bush administration’s Wall Street fixes, in fact looked depressingly like his predecessors’ efforts: timid, incomplete and short on detail. Despite talk of trillion-dollar sums, stockmarkets tumbled. Far from boosting confidence, Mr Obama seems at sea.

The fiscal stimulus plan has some obvious flaws. Too much of the boost to demand is backloaded to 2010 and beyond. The compromise bill is larded with spending determined more by Democrat lawmakers’ pet projects than by the efficiency with which the economy will be boosted. And it contains “Buy American” clauses that, even in their watered-down version, send the wrong signal to trading partners.

For all those shortcomings, the stimulus plan gets one big thing right. Given the pace at which demand is slumping, a big, and sustained, fiscal boost is vital for America’s economy. This package, albeit imperfectly, administers it.

That makes the inadequacy of the financial rescue all the more regrettable. Fiscal stimulus, indispensable as it is, cannot create a lasting economic recovery in a country with a broken financial system. The lesson of big banking busts, such as Japan’s in the 1990s, is that debt-laden balance-sheets must be restructured and troubled banks fixed before real recoveries can take off. History also suggests that countries which address their banking crises quickly and creatively (as Sweden did in the early 1990s) do better than those that dither. This is expensive and painful, but cautious, penny-pinching governments end up paying more than those that tread boldly.

By any recent historical standards America’s banking bust is big (see article). The scale of troubled loans and the estimates of likely losses—which are now routinely put at over $2 trillion—suggest many of the country’s biggest banks may be insolvent. Their balance-sheets are clogged by hundreds of billions of dollars of “toxic” assets—the illiquid, complex and hard-to-price detritus of the mortgage bust, as well as growing numbers of non-housing loans that are souring thanks to the failing economy. Worse, banks’ balance-sheets are only one component of the credit bust. Most of the tightness of credit is owing to the collapse of “securitisation”, the packaging and selling of bundles of debts from credit cards to mortgages.

Fixing this mess will require guts, imagination and a lot of taxpayers’ money. Mr Geithner claims he knows this. “We believe that the policy response has to be comprehensive and forceful,” he declared in his speech, adding that “there is more risk and greater cost in gradualism than aggressive action.”

But his deeds did not live up to his words. His to-do list was dispiritingly inadequate on some of the thorniest problems, such as nationalising insolvent banks, dealing with toxic assets and failing mortgages. Mr Geithner promised to “stress-test” the big banks to see if they were adequately capitalised and offer “contingent” capital if they were not. But he offered few details about the terms of public-cash infusions or whether they would, eventually, imply government control. His plan for a “public-private investment fund” to buy toxic assets was vague and its logic—that a nudge from government, in the form of cheap financing, would enliven a moribund market—was heroic. Banks’ balance-sheets are clogged with toxic junk precisely because they are unwilling to sell the stuff at prices hedge funds and other private investors are willing to pay. Vagueness, in turn, led to incoherence. How can you stress-test banks if you do not know how their troubled assets will be dealt with and at what price? Amid these shortcomings were some good ideas, such as a fivefold expansion of a $200 billion fledgling Fed facility to boost securitisation. But for nervous investors and worried politicians, desperate for details and prices, the “plan” was a grave disappointment.

How serious is this setback? One interpretation is that Mr Obama’s crew mismanaged expectations—that they promised a plan and came up with a concept. If so, that is a big mistake. Managing expectations is part of building confidence and when so much about these rescues is superhumanly complex, it is unforgivable to bungle the easy bit.

More worrying still is the chance that Mr Geithner’s vagueness comes from doubt about what to do, a reluctance to take tough decisions, and a timidity about asking Congress for enough cash. That is an alarming prospect. “Banksters” may be loathed everywhere (see article), but more money will surely be needed to clean up America’s banks and administer the financial fix the economy needs. That, as this newspaper has argued before, means both some form of “bad bank” for toxic loans (with temporary nationalisation part of that cleansing process, if necessary) and guarantees to cover catastrophic losses in the “good” banks that remain. Mr Obama’s team must recognise this or they, like their predecessors, will come to be seen as part of the problem, not the solution.

The Fierce Urgency of Pork, By Charles Krauthammer

There’s a brilliant column by By Charles Krauthammer in the Washington Post today…


Friday, February 6, 2009; A17

“A failure to act, and act now, will turn crisis into a catastrophe.

— President Obama, Feb. 4.

Catastrophe, mind you. So much for the president who in his inaugural address two weeks earlier declared “we have chosen hope over fear.” Until, that is, you need fear to pass a bill.

And so much for the promise to banish the money changers and influence peddlers from the temple. An ostentatious executive order banning lobbyists was immediately followed by the nomination of at least a dozen current or former lobbyists to high position. Followed by a Treasury secretary who allegedly couldn’t understand the payroll tax provisions in his 1040. Followed by Tom Daschle, who had to fall on his sword according to the new Washington rule that no Cabinet can have more than one tax delinquent.

The Daschle affair was more serious because his offense involved more than taxes. As Michael Kinsley once observed, in Washington the real scandal isn’t what’s illegal, but what’s legal. Not paying taxes is one thing. But what made this case intolerable was the perfectly legal dealings that amassed Daschle $5.2 million in just two years.

He’d been getting $1 million per year from a law firm. But he’s not a lawyer, nor a registered lobbyist. You don’t get paid this kind of money to instruct partners on the Senate markup process. You get it for picking up the phone and peddling influence.

At least Tim Geithner, the tax-challenged Treasury secretary, had been working for years as a humble international civil servant earning non-stratospheric wages. Daschle, who had made another cool million a year (plus chauffeur and Caddy) for unspecified services to a pal’s private equity firm, represented everything Obama said he’d come to Washington to upend.

And yet more damaging to Obama’s image than all the hypocrisies in the appointment process is his signature bill: the stimulus package. He inexplicably delegated the writing to Nancy Pelosi and the barons of the House. The product, which inevitably carries Obama’s name, was not just bad, not just flawed, but a legislative abomination.

It’s not just pages and pages of special-interest tax breaks, giveaways and protections, one of which would set off a ruinous Smoot-Hawley trade war. It’s not just the waste, such as the $88.6 million for new construction for Milwaukee Public Schools, which, reports the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, have shrinking enrollment, 15 vacant schools and, quite logically, no plans for new construction.

It’s the essential fraud of rushing through a bill in which the normal rules (committee hearings, finding revenue to pay for the programs) are suspended on the grounds that a national emergency requires an immediate job-creating stimulus — and then throwing into it hundreds of billions that have nothing to do with stimulus, that Congress’s own budget office says won’t be spent until 2011 and beyond, and that are little more than the back-scratching, special-interest, lobby-driven parochialism that Obama came to Washington to abolish. He said.

Not just to abolish but to create something new — a new politics where the moneyed pork-barreling and corrupt logrolling of the past would give way to a bottom-up, grass-roots participatory democracy. That is what made Obama so dazzling and new. Turns out the “fierce urgency of now” includes $150 million for livestock (and honeybee and farm-raised fish) insurance.

The Age of Obama begins with perhaps the greatest frenzy of old-politics influence peddling ever seen in Washington. By the time the stimulus bill reached the Senate, reports the Wall Street Journal, pharmaceutical and high-tech companies were lobbying furiously for a new plan to repatriate overseas profits that would yield major tax savings. California wine growers and Florida citrus producers were fighting to change a single phrase in one provision. Substituting “planted” for “ready to market” would mean a windfall garnered from a new “bonus depreciation” incentive.

After Obama’s miraculous 2008 presidential campaign, it was clear that at some point the magical mystery tour would have to end. The nation would rub its eyes and begin to emerge from its reverie. The hallucinatory Obama would give way to the mere mortal. The great ethical transformations promised would be seen as a fairy tale that all presidents tell — and that this president told better than anyone.

I thought the awakening would take six months. It took two and a half weeks.

Graham: Obama is AWOL on Democrat Spending Bill

In a FoxNews interview, Lindsay Graham pointed out Obama’s penchant for avoiding real work and instead performing for the press in the so-far lucrative public opinion venue he relies on so much. Lacking leadership isn’t a new thing from what I can tell, but now that he’s got the job, you’d think he’d want to at least appear presidential.

President Obama has been “AWOL” in negotiations over the economic stimulus package, Sen. Lindsey Graham said Thursday in a scathing rebuke of the new president.

The South Carolina Republican told FOX News that Obama has not been providing leadership, and he criticized the president for giving TV interviews and writing an editorial touting the package, rather than addressing the complaints of lawmakers.

“This process stinks,” Graham told FOX News, before repeating a lot of his criticisms on the Senate floor. “We’re making this up as we go and it is a waste of money. It is a broken process, and the president, as far as I’m concerned, has been AWOL on providing leadership on something as important as this.”

Republican senators and congressmen have been reluctant to direct any criticism at the president since his inauguration. They mostly have fired shots at Democratic leaders in the House and Senate, saying they have obstructed the bipartisan process Obama sought.

But Graham broke that practice after Obama granted a round of interviews defending his plan Tuesday and wrote an op-ed in The Washington Post Thursday in which he warned of disastrous consequences if Congress does not pass the stimulus bill.

“Scaring people is not leadership. Writing an editorial that if you don’t pass this bad bill we’re going to have disaster — we’ve had enough presidents trying to scare people to make bad decisions,” Graham said.

“I like President Obama, but he is not leading. Having lunch is not leading … and doing TV interviews is not leading.”

Obama renewed his plea for the bill at the Energy Department Thursday, shortly after Graham spoke.

“The time for talk is over. The time for action is now,” Obama said.

Obama, in his op-ed, wrote that inaction could lead the economy into an irreversible decline.

“Because each day we wait to begin the work of turning our economy around, more people lose their jobs, their savings and their homes,” he wrote. “And if nothing is done, this recession might linger for years. Our economy will lose 5 million more jobs. Unemployment will approach double digits. Our nation will sink deeper into a crisis that, at some point, we may not be able to reverse.”

It’s really telling that a sitting president actually thinks that the economy “may not be able to reverse”. That just shows shocking misunderstanding for economy in general. Does he think we’re all going to lay down and die? It’s embarassing that he’s so naive. Four long years to go, dealing with a beginner.